A Case Study of a First-grade Student - 1344 Words

This case study consists of a first grade student, Adam, who displays minimal social interaction and exhibits patterns of disruptive behavior in the form of tantrums. Although he has deficits in communication and social skills, Adam excels in completing certain tasks that are designed for upper level students. After reviewing the symptoms and the reactions he exhibits, I believe the student has Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). At this time, I would choose treatment options that implement behavior modification techniques. I believe this is the correct form of treatment due to his behaviors not being severe enough to be treated with medication. He is not exhibiting out of control conduct and displays some social skills. Behavior therapy teaches the person that through certain techniques they can minimize their symptoms. Side effects from medication can have serious effects on a child’s developing brain, â€Å"’Autistic children have a broader range of side effects than do non-autistic individuals,’ Dr. Elliott says. ‘I often think of them as having a â€Å"raw brain† effect. Its like having sunburn; things that normally wouldnt affect you, like a pat on the back, do. You have to be more careful getting started’† (Arky, 2012). These medications can have long-term side effects if not taken or monitored correctly. Based on the condition of the patient, I believe behavioral modification techniques would be the most effective treatment in this case. When dealing with children that areShow MoreRelated A Comparison of Schools in the U.S. and Japan Essay1283 Words   |  6 PagesJapan In Japanese schools, from elementary schools to universities, teachers direct what students should do or how they should be. Students follow the school rules and the directions of teachers. 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Biography of Francisco Madero, Led Mexican Revolution

Francisco I. Madero (October 30, 1873–February 22, 1913) was a reformist politician and writer and president of Mexico from 1911 to 1913. This unlikely revolutionary helped engineer the overthrow of dictator Porfirio Dà ­az by kick-starting the Mexican Revolution. Unfortunately for Madero, he was caught between remnants of Dà ­azs regime and the revolutionaries he unleashed and was deposed and executed in 1913. Fast Facts: Francisco Madero Known For: Father of the Mexican RevolutionBorn: Oct. 30, 1873 in Parras, MexicoParents: Francisco Ignacio Madero Hernà ¡ndez, Mercedes Gonzà ¡lez Trevià ±oDied: Died Feb. 22, 1913 in Mexico City, MexicoSpouse: Sara Pà ©rez Early Life Francisco I. Madero was born on Oct. 30, 1873, in Parras, Coahuila, Mexico, to wealthy parents—by some accounts, the fifth-richest family in Mexico. His father was Francisco Ignacio Madero Hernà ¡ndez; his mother was Mercedes Gonzà ¡lez Trevià ±o. His grandfather, Evaristo Madero, made lucrative investments and was involved in ranching, wine-making, silver, textiles, and cotton. Francisco was well educated, studying in the United States, Austria, and France. When he returned from the U.S., he was placed in charge of some family interests, including the San Pedro de las Colonias hacienda and farm, which he operated at a profit, introducing modern farming methods and improving worker conditions. In January 1903, he married Sara Pà ©rez; they had no children. Early Political Career When Bernardo Reyes, governor of Nuevo Leà ³n, brutally broke up a political demonstration in 1903, Madero became politically involved. Although his early campaigns for office failed, he funded a newspaper that he used to promote his ideas. Madero had to overcome his image to succeed as a politician in macho Mexico. He was small with a high-pitched voice, making it difficult to command respect from soldiers and revolutionaries who saw him as effeminate. He was a vegetarian and teetotaler, considered peculiar in Mexico, and an avowed spiritualist. He claimed to have contact with his dead brother Raà ºl and liberal reformer Benito Juarez, who told him to maintain pressure on Dà ­az. Dà ­az Porfirio Dà ­az was an iron-fisted dictator in power since 1876. Dà ­az had modernized the country, laying miles of train tracks and encouraging industry and foreign investment, but at a cost. The poor lived in abject misery. Miners worked without safety measures or insurance, peasants were kicked off their land, and debt peonage meant that thousands were essentially slaves. He was the darling of international investors, who commended him for â€Å"civilizing† an unruly nation. Dà ­az kept tabs on those who opposed him. The regime controlled the press, and rogue journalists could be jailed without trial for libel or sedition. Dà ­az played politicians and military men against one another, leaving few threats to his rule. He appointed all state governors, who shared the spoils of his crooked but lucrative system. Elections were rigged and only the foolish tried to buck the system. Dà ­az had fought off many challenges, but by 1910 cracks were showing. He was in his late 70s, and the wealthy class he represented worried about his successor. Years of repression meant the rural poor and urban working class loathed Dà ­az and were primed for revolution. A revolt by Cananea copper miners in 1906 in Sonora had to be brutally suppressed, showing Mexico and the world that Diaz was vulnerable. 1910 Elections Dà ­az had promised free elections in 1910. Taking him at his word, Madero organized the Anti-Re-Electionist Party to challenge Diaz and published a bestselling book titled  The Presidential Succession of 1910. Part of Maderos platform was that when Dà ­az came to power in 1876, he claimed he wouldnt seek re-election. Madero insisted that no good came from one man holding absolute power and listed Dà ­azs shortcomings, including the massacre of Maya Indians in the Yucatan, the crooked system of governors, and the Cananea mine incident. Mexicans flocked to see Madero and hear his speeches. He began publishing a newspaper,  El Anti-Re-Electionista, and secured his partys nomination. When it became clear that Madero would win, Dà ­az had most of the Anti-Re-Electionist leaders jailed, including Madero, arrested on a false charge of plotting armed insurrection. Because Madero came from a wealthy, well-connected family, Dà ­az could not simply kill him, as he had two generals who had threatened to run against him in 1910. The election was a sham and Dà ­az â€Å"won.†Ã‚  Madero, bailed out of jail by his wealthy father, crossed the border and set up shop in San Antonio, Texas. He declared the election null and void in his â€Å"Plan of San Luà ­s Potosà ­Ã¢â‚¬  and called for armed revolution. November 20 was set for the revolution to begin. Revolution With Madero in revolt, Dà ­az rounded up and killed many of his supporters. The call to revolution was heeded by many Mexicans. In the state of Morelos,  Emiliano Zapata  raised an army of peasants and harassed wealthy landowners. In the state of Chihuahua,  Pascual Orozco  and  Casulo  Herrera raised sizable armies. One of Herreras captains was ruthless revolutionary  Pancho Villa, who replaced the cautious Herrera and, with Orozco, captured cities in Chihuahua in the name of the revolution. In  February 1911, Madero returned from the U.S. Northern leaders including Villa and Orozco didnt trust him, so in March, his force swollen to 600, Madero led an attack on the federal garrison at Casas Grandes, which was a fiasco. Outgunned, Madero and his men retreated, and Madero was injured. Although it ended badly, Maderos bravery gained him respect among the northern rebels. Orozco, at that time leader of the most powerful rebel army, acknowledged Madero as leader of the revolution. Not long after the battle, Madero met  Villa  and they hit it off despite their differences. Villa knew he was a good bandit and rebel chief, but he was no visionary or politician. Madero  was a man of words, not action, and he considered Villa a Robin Hood,  just the man to oust Dà ­az. Madero allowed his men to join Villas force: His days of soldiering were done. Villa and Orozco pushed toward  Mexico City, scoring victories over federal forces along the way. In the south, Zapatas peasant army was capturing towns in his native state of Morelos, beating superior federal forces with a combination of determination and numbers. In May 1911, Zapata scored a huge, bloody victory over federal forces in the town of Cuautla. Dà ­az could see that his rule was crumbling. Dà ­az Quits Dà ­az negotiated a surrender with Madero, who generously allowed the former dictator to leave the country that month. Madero was greeted as a hero when he rode into Mexico City on June 7, 1911. Once he arrived, however, he made a series of mistakes. As interim president, he accepted Francisco Leà ³n de la Barra, a former Dà ­az crony who coalesced the anti-Madero movement. He also demobilized Orozcos and Villas armies. Maderos Presidency Madero became president in November 1911. Never a true revolutionary, Madero simply felt that Mexico was ready for democracy and Dà ­az should step down. He never intended to carry out radical changes, such as land reform. He spent much of his time as president trying to reassure the privileged class that he wouldnt dismantle the power structure left by Dà ­az. Meanwhile, Zapata, realizing that Madero would never approve real land reform, took up arms again. Leà ³n de la Barra, still interim president and working against Madero, sent  Gen. Victoriano Huerta, a brutal remnant of Dà ­azs regime, to Morelos to contain Zapata. Called back to Mexico City, Huerta began conspiring against Madero. When he became president, Maderos only remaining friend was Villa, whose army was demobilized. Orozco, who hadnt gotten the huge rewards he had expected from Madero, took to the field, and many of his former soldiers joined him. Downfall and Execution The politically naive Madero didnt realize he was surrounded by danger. Huerta was conspiring with American ambassador Henry Lane Wilson to remove Madero, as Fà ©lix Dà ­az, Porfirios nephew, took up arms along with Bernardo Reyes. Although Villa rejoined the fight in favor of Madero, he ended up in a stalemate with Orozco. Madero refused to believe his generals would turn on him. The forces of Fà ©lix Dà ­az entered Mexico City, and a 10-day standoff known as la  decena  trà ¡gica (â€Å"the tragic fortnight†) ensued. Accepting Huertas â€Å"protection,† Madero fell into his trap: He was arrested by Huerta on Feb. 18,  1913,  and executed four days later, though Huerta said he was killed when his supporters tried to free him. With Madero gone, Huerta turned on his fellow conspirators and made himself president. Legacy Although he wasnt a radical,  Francisco Madero  was the spark that set off the  Mexican Revolution. He was clever, rich, well-connected, and charismatic enough to get the ball rolling against a weakened Porfirio Dà ­az, but couldnt hold onto power once he attained it. The Mexican Revolution was fought by brutal, ruthless men, and the idealistic  Madero  was out of his depth. Still, his name became a rallying cry, especially for Villa and his men. Villa was disappointed that Madero had failed and spent the rest of the revolution looking for another politician to entrust with the future of his country. Maderos brothers were among Villas staunchest supporters. Later politicians tried and failed to unite the nation until 1920, when Alvaro Obregà ³n seized power, the first to succeed at imposing his will on the unruly factions. Decades later, Madero is seen as a hero by Mexicans, the father of the revolution that did much to level the playing field between rich and poor. He is seen as weak but idealistic, an honest, decent man destroyed by the demons he helped to unleash. He was executed before the bloodiest years of the revolution, so his image is unsullied by later events. Sources McLynn, Frank.  Villa and Zapata: A History of the Mexican Revolution.  Basic Books, 2000.Francisco Madero: President of Mexico. Encyclopedia Brittanica.Francisco Madero. Biography.com.

Informing Panasonic Free Essays

From the Information supplied In the case, Identify three Information needs of Panasonic as an organization and explain why this information would be important to managerial decision – making at the company. Three information needs of Panasonic Has the ability to create, store, share and analyze data about products, customers and suppliers in ways that were not even feasible Just a few decades ago. Ђ It had developed numerous duplicative, inconsistent and incomplete records stored in ultimate isolated databases across the enterprise It also prevented the company from making timely decisions, which diminished Panasonic flexibility and agility. We will write a custom essay sample on Informing Panasonic or any similar topic only for you Order Now Importance of information to managerial decision making Helps in making effective problem – solving decisions 2. Explain how the new information system benefits both Panasonic and its various stakeholders. Panasonic was able to save millions of dollars per year Improves Panasonic time – to- time market Reduces the time required to bring a product to market from 6 months to 1 month Reduces the amount of time required for creating and maintaining product information by 50 per cent It allowed Panasonic to move away from It’s â€Å"push† Inventory model, towards a † pull† model. Improved Its response to retailers’ orders so that its retailers have been able to cut inventory to seven days. 3. Compare and contrast the â€Å"push† and â€Å"pull† models of Information supply outlined n the case. What are the potential advantages and disadvantages of each method? O Push inventory model Information is centralized and delivered automatically to everyone who needs it, simultaneously C] The company would push products to retailers such as Best Buy and Cult City Pull inventory model Marketing and sales had to request both structured and unstructured information from numerous sources 0 vendors order products on as-needed basis o Advantages – Push – pull Disadvantages How to cite Informing Panasonic, Papers

Joesph NcNamara Essay Example For Students

Joesph NcNamara Essay Joseph D. McNamara was chief of police for the city of San Jose, California for fifteen years, as well as Kansas City, Missouri. He is recognized as an expert in criminal justice, police technology and management systems, crime prevention, and international drug control policies. He was appointed a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, in 1991. McNamara was a pioneer in criticizing the way Police Departments and the government fought the war on crime. McNamara challenged what has long been the norm in society on how to best deal with drug use in the United States. He was also on the forefront of police corruption and abuses committed by Police Officers. Numerous articles, interviews, lectures were researched to best convey McNamaras philosophy of police technology, innovativeness and management style (leadership). McNamaras career in law enforcement spans a thirty-five-year period. He began in Harlem as a beat patrolman for the New York City Police Department. He rose through the ranks and in midcareer was appointed a criminal justice fellow at Harvard Law School, focusing on criminal justice research methodology. Following this appointment he took a leave from police work and obtained a doctorate in public administration at Harvard. Returning to duty with the NYPD, he was appointed deputy inspector in charge of crime anal ysis for New York City. In 1973 McNamara became police chief of Kansas City, Missouri, leading that department into groundbreaking research and innovative programs. In 1976 McNamara was appointed police chief for the city of San Jose, where he remained until his retirement in 1991. During his tenure, San Jose (the third-largest city in California and the eleventh largest in the United States) became the safest city in the country, despite having the fewest police per capita. The San Jose police became a model for innovation, community relations, utilization of technology, and productivity. The departments advanced training and computerization programs have been duplicated throughout the world. He has been a consultant for the United States Department of Justice, State Department, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and some of the nations largest corporations. Over the past decade, McNamara has organized four conferences at the Hoover Institution, attended by police chiefs and command officers, focusing on U. S. drug control policies.